Coverings | Donning the hijab for a full 90
![]() Iranian women in hijab sing at opening ceremonies of the West Asian Football Federation Women's Championship on 23 September. (Reuters) |
Tehran, Iran, and Amman, Jordan | Several women's football competitions have concluded recently in the Arab world. The events again call on cross-cultural sensitivities to assimilate the reality of women competing in gender-segregated environments and in Islam-mandated dress. The fourth international Islamic Women's Games—incorporating 1,700 athletes from 40 countries, including, for the first time, an American (Scott Peterson, "In Iran, US Runner Joins the Races," Christian Science Monitor, 29 September)—concluded on 29 September in Iran. The women played futsal, as this has been the preferred form of the game since Iranian clerics authorized soccer for women in 1998. The first national women's football championship concluded in Pakistan at about the same time last week, drawing more notice in the world press than would have been customary for what the Pakistan Daily Times stereotypically branded a "catfight" at game's end ("Punjab Win Inaugural Women's Football Championship," 30 September). The BBC gleefully called the final—won by Punjab, 1–0, over a water-development-authority team at Jinnah Stadium in Lahore—a "soccer punch-up" given the 13 minutes required to calm disputes after a penalty kick.
![]() Iran's Shihrin Nasri, left, competes during the final. (Muhammad Al-Kisswany | AP) |
Iran lost 2–1 to host Jordan in the final of the West Asian Football Federation Women's Championship on 1 October. The Iranian women, as pictured at left, played in hijab and long pants, while Jordan played in shorts. This variance in itself illustrates the multiple interpretations of Islamic practice. Gertrud Pfister, in an essay on women and sport in Iran, makes clear that there are no prohibitions on girls' and women's sports ("Women and Sport in Iran: Keeping Goal in the Hijab?" in Sport and Women: Social Issues in International Perspective, ed. Ilse Hartmann-Tews and Gertrud Pfister [Routledge, 2003], 211). Sayings attributed to Mohammed recommend an active life, with running, horseback riding, swimming and archery mentioned specifically. Islamic concern for "one's body, cleanliness, purification and force" ultimately collides, however, with values confining women to home and family spheres. (The need for modesty extends to men also, with the Iranian football federation last year banning ponytails and "sculpted beards"; male athletes are to cover their bodies between the navel and the knees.) The general feeling appears to be one of progress for women in Islamic communities, with interest in sport on the rise and opportunities for participation expanding. The Times of London, for example, reported before the Islamic Women's Games on the entry of a football side from Great Britain. Girls participate in activities such as the West Ham Asians in Football Project. "[I]f you travel down to the playing fields of East London, it is likely that you will see hijab-wearing girls playing football with their friends and brothers, something that would have been unthinkable 20 year ago" (Matthew Syed, "Muslim Women Leading Gentle Revolution with a Football," 21 September).
![]() Maud Watson, who in 1884 became the first women's champion at Wimbledon, models the tennis fashion of the day. |
Although Indian tennis player Sania Mirza now and, before her, the Algerian runner Hassiba Boulmerka drew wrath for competing with legs uncovered, organizers of the Islamic Women's Games say the intent is to encourage women rather than to stifle them further. "We are seeking to empower and encourage Muslim women, who are absent from the international sports grounds due to their beliefs," says Faezeh Hashemi, daughter of former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Hashemi started the pan-Islamic women's competition in 1993. Women from Iran have been able to compete in past Asian Games and Olympics in shooting and kayaking, in which covering the body does not present a barrier to competition. Lest Westerners tut-tut at these traditional ways, Syed in his Times article rightly points out that misogyny features in both the Quran and the Bible; Muslims, in general, remain more faithful to the literal word, although Roman Catholics, Mormons and the Southern Baptist Convention in the United States deny priestly ordination to women. And, on the matter of sporting apparel, Sarah Murray in an intelligent essay for the Women's Sports Foundation points out that female tennis players and cyclists in the West earlier had been confined in petticoats and corsets ("Unveiling Myths: Muslim Women and Sport," 16 January 2002). Islamic women athletes also share with their Judeo-Christian (and non-religious) counterparts a lack of representation in radio, television, print and online media. "Ambitious women's sports coverage remains a virtual oxymoron in the United States[,] where women have been competing for well over a century," Murray writes. "If we struggle for equitable media coverage of women's sports, imagine how the scenario is exacerbated in places where women's sports are in earlier stages of development."
![]() Refugees from Somalia with Nike designers in Dadaab refugee camp, Kenya. (Copyright © 2005 H. Faber | Nike) |
Update: An article in Women's E-News brings out the cultural importance of the Women's Islamic Games (Khadeeja Balkhi, "Islamic Games Highlight Camaraderie of Women," 30 September 2005). Some 10,000 attended the 18 events; the opening ceremony caused "huge traffic jams" and made news as male and female dancers performed together.
Nike has been active, at least since 2005, in working with Islamic women in Africa to redesign sporting apparel. In partnership with the United Nations refugee agency, designers have sought to improve women athletes' mobility and comfort while maintaining modesty. The test case was a group of Somali refugees in Kenya who played volleyball as a way to relieve stress. The New York Times reported:
Girls' sports are still a novelty in Somali culture, so much so that the volleyball players here have been denounced by sheiks for supposed unladylike acts, like running or extending their arms in the air, and gawked at by boys unfamiliar with seeing women doing much more than cooking or cleaning or carting water on their heads.
"Some people think that if girls play sports they are prostitutes," [Farhiyo Farah] Ibrahim said. "Our parents were embarrassed. They had bad feelings about girls playing outside." (Marc Lacey, "Where Showing Skin Doesn't Sell, a New Style Is a Hit," 20 March 2006)
![]() One of the outdoor designs available at www.capsters.com. |
Dutch designer Cindy van den Bremen has created "capsters" within the volatile context in Holland, in which a majority of citizens view Muslims unfavorably (Leela Jacinto, " 'Hip' Hijab Takes On Dutch Prejudices," Christian Science Monitor, 17 April 2006). Van Bremen's work does not just extend to garments but to intercultural dialogue. She and photographer Giti Entezami have produced a book and exhibition, Delen van motieven (Sharing motives), that shows Dutch women in a variety of hijabs. Testifies Farah Azwai, an athlete at American Intercontinental University in London:
Before I had the capsters, I tried a number of things—I used to wear a bandanna and tried fixing my hijab in different ways but it wasn't very practical and I always had problems. The fabric and style is very modern, it totally suits my style—it goes well with my sports clothes, with brands like Nike, Adidas and Pineapple.
























Dina
Fernández, columnist for Prensa Libre,
suggests that the women were exploited by the filmmakers and exposed
to "public humiliation" so they might generate interesting
footage ("







